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It is an amazing thing that full as the cables are of | what the great newspapers and the puppet politicians | have said regarding the peace overtures made by Germany, | there has not been a single word indicative of how the | proposals have been regarded by the Labor Parties of the | Entente.
|Why is it that the Perth dailies are full of what the |
There was a conference convened by Samuel Gompers | held in London only a few weeks ago. That conference was | to discuss the question of peace. Busy as the world is | it was not busy enough to enable us to know what were | the decisions arrived at.
| The time has come for Labor
Why do the diplomats bang the door on Labor when | peace is being discussed? And why is it that the Press | of Capitalism has no space for the expression of Labor's | views when the belligerents are face to face with a | proposition to stop the war?
|These questions naturally arise in our minds as we | read the extended references made each day to the latest | German suggestion for a peace conference. Ever since | the war started a great section of the peoples within | the warring countries have hoped for the day when a | conference would be possible. Despite all that has | happened they persist in the declaration that no | proposal for a conference should be lightly put | aside.
|In many respects the decision to refuse to negotiate | is very little different to the 1914 ultimatums which | precipitated the ghastly struggle. The men who | unnecessarily prolong the war must share the culpability | of they who started it. If ever we are to see | civilisation as a world fact the suggestion of settling | international disputes by massed battles on a shifting | front must be disowned. It is not, let it be said in | passing, put aside by a refusal to negotiate because the | time is not ripe. For such a proceeding the right time | is always.
|What is to be accomplished by battering humanity to | death on the anvil of the "knock-out blow"? The | obliteration of the causes of war is not ensured by the | triumph of armies on the fields of blood. Nowhere in | the literature of Labor's decisions can that dictum be | found. The rule of right is not established on the | earth because one man or one group of men can handle the | sword more successfully than can others.
|That is why the newspapers have not any reports in | this week's war news setting out what Labor in Europe | and America has said upon the issue of peace. The | reason is that Labor would not say the things the | newspapers wanted said. It would be silent before it | would spit upon any suggestion that might call off the | dogs of war.
|What was it the German Chancellor outlined? He | merely said that the Central Powers were prepared to | negotiate peace on the basis of Woodrow Wilson's | fourteen points of January last. Will some of the | war-junkers please tell us what is wrong with these fourteen | points? Do they not in their entirety point the way to | an international of peoples? They do! And what is more | they do it in the only way that any Governmental | declaration has yet pointed to. A peace founded on | things other than these fourteen points is but a treaty | of rulers; it is not a charter of humanity.
|It is easy for the men of passion to shout down the | voice of reason. But it is not so very easy to swallow | one by one the professions of intention which time and | time again the world has been given to understand are | the objectives fought for. In this connection Wilson | either stands now for his programme or else he does | not.
|And the point to be well considered is that if rulers | can change their minds there is no obligation on the | part of peoples to do likewise. It is, of course, very | true that all kinds of "atmosphere" will be created to | show that things are now different and that the changes | are not "vital" changes. The argument will even be | advanced that the new proposals although quite different | to the old ones, are none the less in harmony with them. | For all this tergiversation we are well prepared.
|In fact so positive is the Labor Movement that peace | is a matter of social principles and not a mere | arrangement of frontiers with all kinds of conditions | respecting army establishments and indemnities, that it | refuses to follow the drum of those who beat the cancan | of conquest and victory. For it the formulae of a | peoples' peace and self-determination of nations is | something more than a sophist's verbiage or a lawyer's | plea of alternative.
|The most superficial glance at the history of war | shows that any settlement of the present struggle on | lines analogous to those which ended previous conflicts | leaves the world incubated with the seed of new | disasters. A new order cannot be built up on the old | foundations. For those who have eyes to see the | requirements of the hour are no longer in doubt.
| They consist in the denial of all right of conquest
| in this war. There is requisite the restoration of
| Belgium, France, Serbia, and Roumania. Provision will
| have to be made to give to the German people free access
| to the world. There must be no landlocking of millions
| in the heart of Europe. Recognition must be given the
| claims of Alsace-Lorraine, the Trentino, the Slav
| districts of Austria-Hungary, the Armenian
| Provinces
All of this has to do with essentials to what we | understand by self-determination. But it is not all. | While the "bitter-enders" speak of victory and the | smashing of armies, Labor speaks of breaking down to the | utmost extent consistent with the economic security and | establishment of each country all artificial barriers. | It asks for the removal of the menace of aggression by | an international determination to preserve the world's | peace.
|This cannot be done without the co-operation of the | peoples of Europe, Germany and Austria included. The | guiding conception of Labor's policy is therefore an | elimination of the underlying grievances which make for | war, and the building up of a new social order based | upon the conscious solidarity of the peoples.
|All of which means that in order to face the future | Labor does not hesitate to turn its back upon the past. | Denunciation because it fails to see in punishment the | gateway to a better day does not shift it from its | purpose. Whoever counsels a rejection of peace | possibilities has to give us a better peace than that | negotiations now would realise. It has to be shown that | because its cost in lives and treasure will be vastly | greater its worthwhileness will be in keeping with its | demands.
|No peoples' man can guarantee any such end. The | longer the war lasts the worse becomes the social | condition, the more bitter the antagonisms which must be | bridged. Another year of war will find the ruling casts | very much in the same relative positions they occupy | now. The young men will march to the graves; the old | politicians will keep to their cabinets.
|It would appear the rulers cannot give to the world | what it most needs. There is nothing left then but for | Labor to act despite the Governments.
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