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It is time the International of Labor met and | considered the problem of peace as it presents itself to | the working-class mind. For nearly four years of | appalling blackness the gigantic armies of the | belligerents have been in violent collision. There have | been offensives, big and little, retirements and | advances, naval raids and all the terrible frenzy of red | war. And it cannot be shown that the objectives of | either of the belligerent coalitions are nearer to | attainment now than when the onset commenced. Each day | the sun sinks down on the growing multitude of the dead. | Outside the unending contribution to the gaping mouth of | the war glutton there is nothing to show for the | tremendous conflict.

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Are we to understand that this struggle with all its | agony and devastation has to go on to further agony and | wider and worse devastation? What is it that stands in | the road of peace? If it is true that the German | military caste are alone responsible for the war, and | that it is their lust for world-dominion that keeps | civilisation in the furnace, what are we doing to | deprive the German military caste of the means to | war - that is the support in Germany which | makes its army, equips its cohorts, and performs the | tasks without which the German Junkers could not for a | day maintain their existence as a world evil? Is there | no method outside the ghastly outpourings of recruits to | the battlefronts that the Governments can devise to stop | the whole frightful business? That they are unable to | suggest a means is no reason why the question should be | thrust aside. Upon each and every human on the earth is | devolving a moral obligation to seek for and generously | consider any proposals - irrespective from | whence they originate - which may have the | effect of substituting negotiation for armed | ferocity.

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And it is obvious that the only possible basis upon | which the war can end quickly is that with which the | name of Woodrow Wilson is associated. He more clearly | than any other Allied statesman, has grasped the | essential of the international situation - | which is, that the German Imperialists can be crippled | and rendered impotent, and ought to be crippled and | rendered impotent, by diplomatic rather than by military | means - by reason rather than by blood. | The way that this can be done is not far to seek. It | consists exclusively in the formulation and declaration | of terms of peace so essentially democratic and in such | accord with the idealism of peace-loving peoples, as | would at once and for good make it impossible for the | German war lords to continue the war for imperialist or | annexationist aims, because the suffering German people | would simply refuse to carry on the war for those aims | if they saw that an honorable peace was within their | grasp.

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For quite a long period of the war it has to be | confessed the speeches of Lloyd-George and W M Hughes | frustrated the efforts of the American President to | secure within Germany an acceptance of our bona-fides in | this connection. While he would say:~~ | Mr Lloyd-George would announce | and Mr Hughes would declare |

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To what extent such bellicose statements respecting | the kind of peace the Allies will deem satisfactory has | actually delayed the securing of satisfactory peace | terms will never be known. It must be clear that any | proposals involving territorial readjustments serve as | powerful stimulants to the German war junkers. They not | only destroy the ground beneath the feet of they who, in | Germany, oppose the idea of Mittel-Europa and work for | the kind of peace which would be a real peace, but | accomplish nothing beyond the consolidation of those | enemy forces which are the chief evil obstacles to be | overcome. Take, for example the declarations that | Italian claims in the regions of Dalmatia and Adelia are | to be counted as part of the "making the world safe for | democracy" policy; that the Allies will continue in the | war until Posen and Galicia are attached to Poland and | Turkey has been dismembered! In what way can these | purely frontier-extension projects be reconciled with | what we know to be the real soul of a democratic | peace?

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Mr Lloyd-George, be it well noted, has never | committed himself to the League of Nations, or to | economic peace after the war and the repudiation of the | Paris Conference Resolutions. Why? Only this week we | have another instalment of the trade-haggling which | seems to occupy as much attention as does the war | itself. So long as these clutchings after territorial | changes continue - for ourselves or for | others - and the trafficking for | commercial alliances and so forth looms conspicuously in | the forefront of the Allied war aims, it is idle for us | to look for Australian or German uprisings; there is no | conceivable Government of either Australia or | Germany - and this includes a | working-class Government, if such were possible | - | that would make peace until the idea of economic war | after the war is once and for all repudiated. It is | quite idle, and worse than idle, to talk about | "moderate" demands, or to expect "restitution and | guarantees" while the Paris Conference Resolutions | stand. Meanwhile the slaughter goes on. The horrors of | conscription, the heart-breaking desolation and | humiliation of war and of military discipline continue; | blood flows, hearts are broken, men go mad; squalor, | hatred, and vice prevail. To what end?

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If we sincerely insist that the old order of things | which begot the war is to be banished from the earth, | then not only must militarism in the sense the Germans | know it pass away, but there has to be as a co-equal | part of the revolutionary process an entire sweeping out | of trade greed, miserable dollar-hunting competition, | and industrial profit-thugging, at home or abroad. And | the best guarantee that these things are honestly sought | for is that we should strip from the terms of peace | anything and everything that has to do with mammonism in | the way of land-grabbing or market-rigging. It is here | where the International of Labor can interpose in the | war situation and, in open conference before the | stricken world, formulate a basis of peace, which, | because it will speak for the peoples who suffered | poverty and wrong before the war, and worse poverty and | greater wrong during the war, will be a charter for | civilisation in the real sense, and not merely a | temporary armistice between rival groups of ambitious | rulers.

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And this is the only alternative to such further | smashing and killings of men that the soul sickens at | the prospect. A democratic peace postulates a peace | made by men and women who believe in democracy and are | steeped body and spirit in its faith. | Oligarchies - wherever they are | - cannot end the war except by the sheer | obliteration of the armies of one or the other. It is | from the oligarchies that the cry comes | Hindenburg shouts it to the | famished citizens of Berlin and the men of Hindenburg's | mind shout it in London and New York. The diplomatic | machine, which is the Government's alternative to armed | authority, is so clogged with old traditions and modern | deceit that it stands hopelessly in the maelstrom of | horror on horror. Organised Labor must make another | effort. Stockholm was not and must not be the end. All | the Governments are committed to war and further war. | All of them have bargains to drive at the point of the | sword. But the sword means annexations, exploitations, | trade wars - more militarism, worse | misery, and greater disaster in the new world than that | which so signally disgraced the old.

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