| <headline><p> <The Perils of Peace.> 
| <Should Organisation Collapse.></p></headline>
| <p> There are but two parties in the world
| <mdash>-</mdash> that of the capitalists and that 
| of the workers.  The so-called Nationalists in 
| Federal and State politics are but newly formed 
| adaptations of the old parties of plutocracy. </p>
| <p> They will do for the profiteers in war time 
| what the Liberals and Conservatives used to do in 
| time of peace.  That is to say they will operate 
| the machinery of government in the interests of 
| the great traders, the manufacturers, the 
| business men, etc and they will meet every 
| request Labor makes for altered conditions with 
| the declaration that there is a war on and Labor 
| must be content with its situation.  The 
| Governments <mdash>-</mdash> designated national in 
| spirit and practice <mdash>-</mdash> conduct the 
| war by laying burdens on the workers and finding 
| avenues of get-rich-quick for the holders of 
| capital. </p>
| <p> Prior to the outbreak of war the class 
| division and antagonism in every country was 
| clearly apparent.  Irrespective of the form of 
| government established it had become clear that 
| no settlement of the problem of labor was 
| possible except that based on the public 
| ownership of the tools of production.  However 
| disguised it may have been the struggle for 
| economic mastery was in full stride. </p>
| <p> The advent of the war had far-reaching 
| influences.  It disclosed the terrible paralysis 
| of the capitalist mode of industrial 
| organisation.  In all countries the Executive of 
| the nation discovered that if the war was to be 
| fought at all, it was only capable of being 
| fought by the abandonment of the theories of 
| individualist control, and the substitution of 
| the principles of social action.  However the 
| international organisation of Socialism has been 
| spiritually weakened by the frightful fratricide, 
| it cannot be but admitted its economic basis has 
| been immeasurably strengthened.  The capitalists 
| of the earth now perceive that the Political 
| State has been compelled to increasingly put into 
| operation principles inherently menacing their 
| continued dominion. </p>
| <p> Therefore the demand has gone forth that 
| changes shall take place in the public policy.  
| The relaxations of rules which Unionism agreed to 
| for the period of the war are to be made a 
| permanent condition.  Women who have come into 
| industry to take the place of men fighting at the 
| front, are to continue in industry when the men 
| return.  So that the policy of the great 
| capitalists shall be the accepted policy of the 
| nation, they have seen to it that the Cabinets of 
| the earth are staffed by agents of their own 
| selection.  Labor has everywhere been given the 
| appearance of representation; its delegations 
| are, however, absolutely submerged by the 
| preponderating representation of the forces of 
| capitalist monopoly. </p>
| <p> And more sinister than all, the Government 
| policy everywhere has had the effect of making 
| the war a source of immense commercial advantage 
| to the plutocracy.  The taxation of war-profits 
| has not been confiscatory.  It has on the other 
| hand been so arranged as to enable the profiteers 
| multiply their pre-war profits enormously and 
| share the swag with the Government. But the whole 
| of the profits come from the workers.  They are 
| paying in increased prices all the insurances, 
| the war-profits taxes, income taxes, and all the 
| other imposts purporting to be levied on wealth.  
| Out of the stomachs of the poor comes the money 
| for the war.  They not only do the fighting 
| abroad, but also do the paying at home. </p>
| <p>And when peace comes, <mdash>-</mdash> peace, 
| the long sought, and the dearly bought
| <mdash>-</mdash> what will it bring to the millions 
| who work for the hundreds who profit?  Labor will 
| have won the war. Without Labor the war could not 
| have been fought for a day, let alone carried on 
| for years. The burden borne by Labor in the 
| factory and in the trench was what made victory 
| possible. What shall it profit the workers of the 
| world to have won the war and lost the economic 
| power of unionism?  Let the answer be given. </p>
| <p> When war broke out trades unionism had reached 
| a certain stage of development everywhere. In 
| Great Britain conditions had been slowly attained 
| which considerably improved the every day life of 
| Labor, and left a little leisure in a life of 
| toil.  The trades unions were asked to waive 
| those conditions during the war in order to 
| permit of the largest possible output of 
| production during the period of the nation's 
| peril. </p>
| <p> The workers were to become war machines, 
| worked to the point when human endurance could 
| stand no more.  The trades unions were patriotic 
| to the point of prostration.  They agreed, and 
| Parliament and the Government gave solemn 
| assurances that on the termination of the war 
| pre-war conditions would be restored. </p>
| <p> The nation's honor was pledged, but already 
| those in charge of the nation's honor foreshadow 
| repudiation.  Capitalism has no 
| conscience <mdash>-</mdash> and if a Cabinet is 
| merely capital in counsel, honor will not act as 
| a restraint when profits are the temptation.  
| Capitalism is cash, not conscience.</p>
| <p> Thus in the report of the Employers' 
| Parliamentary Council of Great Britain Lord 
| Lamington, speaking on behalf of that 
| organisation with regard to future arrangements, 
| stated that the first thing to be done should be 
| the repeal of the Trades Disputes Act, so as to 
| make impossible any widespread strikes. </p>
| <p> The report shows that opposition was freely 
| expressed from several quarters to the 
| restoration of the pre-war conditions to which 
| Parliament is pledged, and which a large 
| proportion of the employers belonging to the 
| Council, by signing Government contracts (and 
| pocketing the profits thereon) had specifically 
| pledged themselves to restore. </p>
| <p><q> </q> 
| are demanded.  No wonder the 
| <title rend="PRE lsquo POST rsquo"> New Statesman 
| </title> (non-Labor non-partisan) observes: ~~ 
| <q>
| </q></p>
| <p> In short, these employers propose as their 
| programme of reconstruction a shameless 
| repudiation, not only of specific pledges, but 
| also of the whole course of social organisation 
| for the past half-century, and a reversion to the 
| extreme rigor of anarchical competition
| <mdash>-</mdash> always protecting private 
| property <mdash>-</mdash> and the abandonment of 
| the laborer to just whatever conditions of 
| existence the strategic position of the 
| capitalist may enable him to impose. </p>
| <p> The <title rend="PRE lsquo POST rsquo"> New 
| Statesman </title> says the employers want Britain 
| to revert to the <q> </q>.  The 
| lesson is not that Labor should not make 
| sacrifices, but that Labor must remain 
| strong <mdash>-</mdash> for after the war there 
| will be another war <mdash>-</mdash> and victory 
| must be won there too. </p>
| <p> It will be the same everywhere.  Unionism must 
| arm for peace as well as war.  And the only 
| arming necessary is organisation. </p>
| <p> The repudiators can be defeated everywhere by 
| definite, massed and militant trades union 
| organisation-and organisation now.</p>
| <p>Let us now see to it in Australia 
| <mdash>-</mdash> for in Australia, as in Britain,  
| peace will have its perils as well as war
| <mdash>-</mdash> and make vigorous preparations 
| for the struggle. </p>
| <p> Allowing Trades Unionism to become d
| de-vitalised will not win the war, <mdash>-</mdash>
| it will destroy the workers. </p>
| <p> Peace with a demoralised organisation of labor 
| will complete the triumph of the plutocracy. </p>
| <p> Just as in peace the nations prepared for war, 
| so in war must the workers prepare for peace. </p>
| <trailer> <June 22, 1917> <The Westralian Worker>
| <Friday, June 22, 1917> </trailer>