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Senator Pearce is determined to avoid any discussion | of the merits of Labor's peace proposals. He hopes to | dismiss the whole case for peace by negotiation with | some such utterance as this:~~ | It is | one of the controversial weaknesses of George Pearce to | be unable to perceive all the elements in the case. He | is apparently unable to appreciate the difference | between the Ukraine and a combination of great powers | such as Britain, America, France, and Italy. Neither | the "Westralian | Worker" nor the Australian Labor Conference | contemplates negotiations between two belligerents, one | of which is tremendously strong and the other | practically exhausted. We propose that two great | military coalitions which have fought a frightful | conflict for nearly four years of unparalleled world- | disaster, and which are no nearer a decisive decision | now than when the ghastly struggle opened, shall meet in | open conference before the court of civilisation with a | view to the ending of the whole horrible business.

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Wherein can it be alleged that a conference between | two such powerful opponents is like unto the "peace | secured by the Ukraine"? Only this week the cry came | from the minority Socialists at Berlin:~~ | In addition to this | further evidence that negotiation is not impossible, | there has been disclosed proof after proof that a | powerful peace movement in Germany is fighting valiantly | to express its abhorrence of the imperialist purposes | which keep the war going. What has Senator Pearce to | say by way of encouragement to those who in Germany are | combating the Kaiser policy? He cannot help them by | blundering epithets about idiots and ranters. And | whether the Minister knows it or not, the essence of the | war situation is to take from the junkers of Germany the | hold they now exercise on the public spirit and working | class patriotism of the German people as a whole. Until | that is done - and it can only be done by | negotiation in accordance with the Labor policy | - no end to the war is within sight.

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The Minister further cites Russia as a dread example | of what negotiation involves. We wonder is he in | earnest or merely playing with the tremendous questions | he flippantly puts aside. There is no comparison | between the case of Russia and that of the Allies in | concert. Russia was betrayed by her Czar and his | corrupt court. And when Russia overthrew the Czar and | all he stood for she was basely deserted by the Allies, | who feared the newly awakened democratic soul of the | Russian nation more than they feared Prussianism. What | was left for these people, betrayed and deserted? Does | the Minister really mean to say that after nearly four | years of fighting negotiations by unconquered and | unconquerable Britain, France, Italy, and America would | be treated with the same contempt as were the | negotiations of betrayed and bleeding Russia? If that | is so, if the Allies after nearly four years of | fighting, have only succeeded in adding to Germany's | arrogance, then the appalling fact is | inescapable - the Allies are beaten and | Germany is winning. We refuse to believe it. We know | that it is not so. But we think - and in | this we stand in with the growing volume of opinion in | every country - that when mighty armies are | locked in war to which no finality is to be seen, the | peace they must inevitably come to at some time can be | arrived at now by negotiations, thus saving millions of | lives and untold misery to the world.

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The very exchanges which have taken place between the | spokesmen of the belligerents give powerful emphasis to | this contention. The most recent declaration of Von | Hertling will be found to contain:~~

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(1) The distinct expression of a wish that, in | order to remove misunderstandings, and in the hope of | reaching | responsible representatives of the | belligerent Powers should come together | for discussion.

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(2) An admission that | , on the basis of the four principles | laid down in President Wilson's message of February 11, | if recognised definitely by all States and nations.

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(3) An assurance that the Chancellor would | an impartial Court of | International Arbitration, and |

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(4) An intimation that Germany does not think of | retaining Belgium or making the Belgian State a | component part of the German Empire.

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By what process of reasoning is it held that the | Allies cannot consent to negotiations on this basis? | Cannot Senator Pearce and those who think with him in | the British War Cabinet perceive that in dismissing | this, or any, opportunity for discussion they are | playing right into the hands of the Prussian | militarists? Can he not realise that so long as the | German people see no chance of negotiation because the | Allies will not negotiate, they have no alternative but | to swallow the Kaiser's teachings? It was to prevent | this that towards the end of last year Lord Lansdowne | declared it | |

Lansdowne went on to say that he failed to see why | there should not now be that | proposed by Hertling, in view of the | fact that | We ask Senator Pearce to give us | something more than epithets as an explanation why any | open discussion at all should be tabooed. If the | Minister will re-read President Wilson's speech of | February 11 this year he will find four great principles | laid down which the President considered a reasonable | foundation for an open discussion. Prior to this he had | (Jan 8) outlined fourteen points which the Austrian | Chancellor, Count Czernin (Jan 25) said were "identical" | with his general view of the situation. Then a month | later Von Hertling went so far as to say with regard to | the four vital principles of Wilson's statement:~~ |

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Is it any wonder that in the face of this conclusive | evidence of the practicability of negotiations on an | equal basis, that Labor definitely sets its seal on the | imperative obligations the Governments are under to | negotiate. What they will do in one, two, five, or more | years time, after more and more lives have been | swallowed up by the moloch of war, they can do now. And | if the Governments cannot do it now they should stand | aside and invite the International of Labor to do it for | them.

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