| | | | | In our previous notice of Mr. Freeman's book we confined | ourselves chiefly to the general sketch of our earlier history | and Constitution which forms the first half of this | introductory volume. The second portion is of a more | purely historic character, and is treated in a more purely | historic way. The story of our Danish Kings is indeed a real | addition to our knowledge of this portion of our annals. It is | not merely that Mr. Freeman has been the first to realize the | importance of the rule of King Cnut, and his sons Harold | and Harthacnut, as a prelude to the Norman Conquest | which he has to tell; it is that he may fairly claim to be the | first to have brought out the full interest of the time in | itself. No-one before | has told as it deserved to be told the | story of the desperate rally of England under Eadmund | Ironside; no-one | has brought out the strangely attractive | character of Cnut; nowhere certainly has any attempt been | made to give meaning or importance to the reigns of his | successors. Without committing ourselves wholly to his | conclusions, it is bare justice to Mr. Freeman to say that he | is the first who has brought to light a forgotten chapter of | English history, and that he has done it with a breadth and | vividness of treatment which effectually secures it from | ever being forgotten again. | We are not saying that in his narrative of the reigns of these | Danish Kings the historian has, in our opinion, fully | grasped the meaning of the period which he has treated, or | that he has satisfactorily solved its numberless difficulties. | The importance, in fact, that he attaches to the artificial | kingdom which the genius of AElfred's successors built up | would alone stand in the way of any right understanding of | the events that produced or followed on its dissolution. The | truth is that till the reign of the conqueror, whatever shape | its outer political arrangements might assume, England was | not one kingdom, but three or two kingdoms. Wessex, | Mercia, and Northumbria remained separate political | bodies which | efforts of force or policy could really fuse | into one. Their relation was of course greatly modified by | the Danish settlement of the North. The distinction between | Mercia and Northumbria, for instance, was almost done | away; or, to put it more accurately, Mercia was divided into | two parts, of which the northern became purely Danish and | fused into Northumbria; while the southern, under its | Ealdormen, exhibits its old local character of mediator | between north and south only intensified by the mixture of | population which now gave it kinship with either. But these | modifications of provinciaol differences by the addition of | a difference of race increased the difficulty, which every | great statesman of the time had to encounter, of holding | this varied England together under the supremacy of the | royal line of Wesssex. Thhey really solved it by basing the | power and polic6y of England not on the wouth but on the | north; but such a solution, if it satisfied the Danelagh, was | hardly likely to be acceptable to the old and fast-waning | kingdom of Ecgbert and AElfred. The cardinal error of Mr. | Freeman's treatment of this latter period seems to us to lie | in his steady identification of England with Wessex ~~ of | West-Saxon provincialism with English patriotism. The | facts point the other way; again and again it is the selfish | provincialism of Wessex which ruins all hope of national | union as Dunstan or Eadgar would have built it up. It was | against the abandonment of the policy of the first by the | West-Saxon Eadwig that Mercia and Northumbria rose in | arms to replace the great Minister and to set their own ruler | on the throne. In that great revolution lies the key to the | after history of the realm, and for the hour its import could | not but be understood. The submission of Wessex before | the two kingdoms under Eadgar is but repeated in her | submission to them under Sweyn. England's real strength | lay to the north of Thames; if the tradition of sovereignty | lingered to the south of it; and it was Eadgar's steady | appreciation of this that forms the chief element in the | glory of his reign, as, in the form of a partiality for the | Danes, it was the one charge which Wessex could bring | against him. But the policy of Eadgar died with him. The | murder of Eadward the Martyr, the succession of | AEthelred, bears every mark of a political revolution. The |

"great joy of the English Witan"

which the | Chronicle so expressly notices, the retirement of Dunstan | and his presaging words of ill to come, the futile attempts | ~~ which must have come from the North ~~ to set up a | rival, the immediate resumption of Danish hostility, all | point to the success of a West-Saxon reaction in the | elevation of AEthelred. It is on Wessex, and for a long time | on Wessex only, that the invasions and ravages of the | Northmen fall; East Anglia alone ~~ which seems to have | had some special connexion with Wessex ~~ stirs a finger | in its defence. It was not so much the imbecility of | AEthelred as the practical secession of England north of the | Thames which paralysed the struggle against the Dane. | And when Northern England passed from inactivity to | active effort the struggle was over in a moment. It was not | Sweyn, but Northumbria and Mercia, which had risen as | one man when his ships appeared, doubtless by invitation, | in the Humber, that crushed the resistance of Wessex in a | single march, and swept AEthelred away to Normandy. He | returns, when the sudden death of his conqueror had again | freed Wessex, to occupy the same provincial position; for if | Mr. Freeman regards his recall as a national act, the people | of Lindissy, whose homes he had harried with fire and | sword on his return, were not likely to mistake him for | more than a West-Saxon. The battles of Eadmund Ironside | were, with one exception, purely West-Saxon battles; it was | the election of Cnut that first restored ~~ as he himself | claimed to have restored ~~ the system of Eadgar, and gave | a lasting peace to the realm. | We will not pursue the subject further, though much might | be adduced in support of this view from the reigns of | Harold and Harthacnut. But it is impossible not to see what | a fresh light it flings upon the character of the statesmen of | the day who, as they fall under the censure of the | Chronicle, fall equally under the lash of Mr. Freeman. But, | as he himself confesses, it is easier to censure than to | understand them. If it be true that the career of a man who | played so prominent a part in English politics as Eadric |

"is simply a catalogue of treasons as unintelligible as | those of his predecessor"

Aelfric; if, again,

"the | very success of his villanies"

(the words might apply | to either)

"shows that he must have somehow or other | obtained the lend of a considerable party";

if, after the | most outrageous treasons, men such as these can still retain | influence with the kings they betray, and sway (as EAdric | did after Assandun) the counsels of the Witan in the very | freshness of their treachery ~~ then it is not merely the | character of Eadric or Aelfric that is unintelligible, it is the | whole history of the country and the time. What in our | judgment these men really attempted, what among all their | strange changes from side to side England, her Kings, and | her Witan seem to have understood them to be attempting, | was the restoration of that system of political balance | which, alike in the elections of Eadwig and AEthelred, | Wessex had swept away. And in the pursuit of this policy | they do not stand by themselves; they are but two in a line | of great statesmen which begins with Dunstan and ends | with Godwine. Dunstan's own party, with his successor | Sigeric at their head ~~ that clerical party which in these | obscure times gives us the best clue to the true national | sentiment ~~ led the way in the policy of purchasing peace | which is visited so heavily on the head of Aelfric. But the | position of these two Ministers, AElfric and Eadric, is ~~ it | must be remembered ~~ determine and, not merely by the | older traditions of English statesmanship, but by their | connexion with the province which specially represented | the system of compromise as opposed to that of Wes-Saxon | supremacy. Both were Ealdormen of English Mercia, and | the choice of their province accurately represents the | character of their policy. Like Lord Halifax, they were | trimmers, and they have received the usual reward of | trimmers, but they trimmed from causes far deeper than the | sentimental attraction towards minorities which | distinguished the statesman of the seventeenth century. | Tortuous as their policy might seem in details, it was | perfectly intelligible in its broad outlines; and with all the | facts fresh before them which have come down to us | dist0orted by legend and hate, the men of their own day | gathered to their standard and bowed to their counsel. But it | is the historic curse which rests upon heroes that to write | them up it is commonly necessary to write other men down; | and if Archbiship Sigeric and Ealdorman Aelfric are | sacrificed to the theory which identifies England with | Wessex, Eadric is ruthlessly immolated on the altar of the | glory of Eadmund Ironside. We will not affect to regret that | Mr. Freeman has for once bowed the head before a hero, fo, | however great a mistake the struggle of Eadmund may have | been politically, it carries with it the real heroic charm, and | it is painted in words as spirit-stirring as the deeds they tell. | Take such a battle-picture as this of the fight at Assandun, | where the King's wonderful seven months of victory end in | ruinous defeat. The retreat of the Danes has led them along | the high ground which lies south of the Crouch, by the | Essex coast: ~~ | | It is hard after a glowing passage like this, to return to the | colder colours of historic fact. But the whole story of | Eadmund as Mr. Freeman gives it, is primarily built on | Florence of Worcester, and as far as the story of Eadmund | is concerned, Florence is but an unscrupulous expansion of | the Chronicle into legend. The earlier and more curious part | of the hero's history indeed remains untouched. While | AEthelred still lived it seems to have been the intention of | Eadmund to resume the older policy of his house; by a | political marriage he established some sort of lordship over | the five Danish boroughs along Trent, and hastened at the | head of a Northumbrian and Mercian force to meet Cnut, to | whose arms his new policy had abandoned Wessex without | defence. The attempt however failed, and on his father's | death Eadmund, rejected by England, sank into a King of | Wessex. It was with West-Saxon armies that he held the | border of his shrunken realm at pen and Sherstone against | the attempts of Cnut, whom the whole English nation, save | the few faithful nobles gathered round Eadmund in | London, had chosen for their national king. But he could do | more than hold Wessex till the junction of Eadric | brought him all the support of what the Chronicle from that | time calls

"all England."

Whatever was the | immediate cause of Eadric's passing over from Cnut to | Eadmund, whether it was the cause or result of a revulsion | of popular feeling, it changed the face of affairs at once. | Eadmund was able to push forth to the relief of London ~~ | the one ally left him outside his realm ~~ to harass the | besiegers at Brentford, and when they broke up the siege | from want of food, to fall on their dispersed parties in | Mercia and Kent. The Danes had withdrawn to Essex, and | there, as we have seen, Eadmund overtook them to lose all | in one frightful defeat. The defeat was attributed to the | flight of Eadric, but the voice of Eadric is first in the Witan | which now insists on the compromise which has become | inevitable. Wessex remains t Eadmund; the rest of England | passes to Cnut. A little time more and the sudden death of | his rival leaves Cnut master of all. Over all this simple | record of a gallant struggle, as the Chronicle gives it, | Florence has thrown the exaggeration and distortion of | legend.

"He fought against the armies at Pen"

| becomes a victorious rout of the Danes. Sherstone, where |

"much slaughter was made on either side, and the | armies of themselves separated,"

is amplified into a | two days' struggle, from which the Danes fly under cover | of the night, and in which Eadric plays the inevitable traitor | with a scrupulous perversion of the grea defeat at | Assandrum, where the Chronicle's simple

"The did | Eadric the ealdorman, as he had often done before, begin | the light first with the Magesetas, and so betrayed his lord | the king and the English people. "

becomes an | elaborate story of a promise of treachery made to Cnut and | fulfilled in the very instant of English success. Mr. | Freeman, we must own, feels none of our distrust of | Florence; he follows him without a murmur from pen to | Assandum, but at the close of the last encounter he wakes | up to a faint protest, which might, under less exciting | circumstances than this great battle period supplies, have | led to a wider indredulity. When the prim monk spoils the | Chronicle's

"there were slain Abbot Eadnoth and | Abbot Wullsige"

by his pious little addition,

| "both of whom had come to pray for the soldiers while they | were fighting, "

says Mr. | Freeman, | but the | perversion which best illustrates Florence's way of going to | work is passed over without comment. Mr. Freeman rightly | adopts the Chronicle's narrative of the events that followed | Assandun;

"then advised Eadric and the Witan who | were there that the kings should be reconciled."

but | Florence saw that to give such a position to Eadric at the | head of the Witan was to falsify his story of a covenanted | treachery at Assandudn. Since the days of Demosthenes | men have learnt that a politician may run away from the | field of battle without necessarily doing so from sheer | treason. But the flight of panic and that of treachery are | easily distinguishable and the Witan and Eadmund himself | were hardly likely to be following the lead of a traitor of a | week's standing, through whose treason the hill of | Assandum was covered with English dead. Whatever | patience policy might have dictated, the memory of that | corpse-strewn hill would have made patience impossible. | So Eadmund is made to be very indignant at the proposal of | peace and the Witan of the Chronicle are turned into a | contemptuous

"quidam alii."

| The immediate result of the death of Eadmund Ironside was | the establishment of a Danish monarchy, whose effect in | preparing England for her Norman masters and in bringing | forward the great men whose names stand foremost in the | history of the conquest is admirably explained by Mr. | Freeman in the last chapters of his work. The result by | which it most affects us perhaps is the transference of the | capital which it in the long run brought about from | Winchester to London. The history of London is so well | illustrated in Mr. Freeman's pages that we wonder at his | omitting to notice the new position the great city assumes | when, through the influx of Danish citizens, it became the | chosen residence of Harold the First. It was | accident that | he was buried, first of our Kings, at Westminster; or that | his ejected corpse was again buried in the London cemetery | of St. Clement Danes. But of this, | doubt, there will be | more to tell when the new Minster of the confessor tells us | that the old capital of the Kings of Wessex is definitely | forsaken. Full as the last chapters are of interest, we must | leave them without comment. The best close of a notice | which has been almost exclusively concerned with | | Eadmund Ironside will be the eloquent words of Mr. | Freeman's farewell to the hero-King of Wessex: ~~ |